Andriy Portnov: a story that began in criminal Luhansk and ended in Madrid

On May 21, Andriy Portnov, the former deputy head of Viktor Yanukovych's administration, was shot dead in an elite area of Madrid, Spain. We wrote and published this extensive profile on him shortly before Russia's full-scale invasion, in April 2021. But it still best describes who Portnov really was and how he gained significant political weight in Ukraine.

Andriy Portnov maintained his influence on the judiciary of Ukraine even during his flight to Moscow and Vienna after the Revolution of Dignity. Two years ago, he returned to Ukraine and consolidated his status as the most influential lawyer in the country. During 2010-2013, Portnov personally conducted interviews and helped to find jobs for hundreds of judges, who later ended up at almost all levels of the judiciary. These connections are Portnov's main asset. Many interlocutors told this to the LIGA.net journalist during the preparation of the material.

Even more commentators advised "to be more careful," calling Portnov vindictive. Many of his former colleagues balked, saying, "I wouldn't want to have him as an enemy. And I wouldn't advise anyone else to either."

Portnov is undoubtedly a talented person. He effectively uses the law for personal purposes. Investigators, judges, and politicians are trained not to even mention his name.

But things were completely different back then. In the 1990s, the prospects for a lawyer from Luhansk were bleak. But Portnov managed to find people who helped him.

Portnov did not respond to calls and messages from a LIGA.net journalist . But we were able to find and talk to many people who know him personally. How Portnov ended up in Kyiv, how he helped prime ministers and presidents, fled to Moscow and established a partnership there, who he works for now, who is in his orbit of influence, what businesses he owns and how he demanded to "interrogate US officials" – about this in our profile.

THE NINETY. THE DEATH OF DOBROSLAVSKY

Portnov is originally from Luhansk. Little is known about his childhood and youth. In 2011, journalist Oksana Heydor spoke with his parents, she confirmed in a conversation with LIGA.net "Among the three children, he was the most restless in childhood," recalls Portnova's mother Svetlana in an article by Glavkom. "At the age of three, he was quoting plots from the Vremya program by heart."

After school, Portnov tried to enter the Institute of Foreign Languages, but did poorly on the exam. Then he applied to the Leningrad Military School. But Portnov did not like the "strict rules there," and after being expelled, he was taken into the army and served in Bila Tserkva.

After the army, he worked for a short time in the police, and in 1993 he entered the correspondence department of the law faculty of the East Ukrainian State University. In the same year, he got a job as a legal consultant at the Luhansk firm Jurlit Ltd. Then, for less than two years, he was a lawyer at the Luhansknaftoprodukt enterprise, and in 1996, at the age of 23, he headed the local law firm Ukrinformpravo. Although Portnov received his law degree only in 1999.

Portnov's autobiography, which is available to LIGA.net

Portnov's career growth occurred during his time working in companies that were under the influence of Luhansk criminal authority Valery Dobroslavsky. Portnov could have known him since at least 1994, two sources in law enforcement agencies told LIGA.net . "Dobroslavsky was involved in the oil business. Portnov, as a lawyer, took care of this area. The Luhansk oil depot (a subsidiary of Luhansknefteprodukt, where Portnov worked for two years) was controlled by Dobroslavsky," one of the sources said.

At the same time, according to him, Dobroslavsky's oil business was also controlled by security forces. In particular, the former head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs department in Luhansk region and ex-rector of the Luhansk State University of Internal Affairs Eduard Didorenko. "I assume that Portnov's career growth was possible thanks to close ties with Didorenko," the interlocutor noted.

This version is confirmed by a third source, a former high-ranking law enforcement official. "Didorenko was interested in business. He kept Dobryk (Dobroslavsky's surname. – Ed.) as a lever to counter the bandits in terms of influencing the economy. And Portnov worked for Dobryk in the oil business," he says.

In 1996, Dobroslavsky created the Association for Youth Cooperation of the 21st Century, where Portnov worked as a lawyer. As one of Dobroslavsky's close associates, Igor Gumenyuk, said in 2012, the name of the organization was coined by analogy with the Italian Cultural Heritage Association from the mafia series "Octopus."

Dobroslavsky was the first Luhansk oligarch, journalist and author of the book "How Ukraine Lost Donbas" Marina Vorotyntseva tells LIGA.net . "He actively declared his political ambitions, went on TV channels, tried to speak beautifully. He even announced that he was going to run for the People's Deputy. And he would have won," she says.

The creation of the Association was part of Dobroslavsky's plan to legalize it, a former associate of the NSDC Secretary Oleksiy Danilov , who was the mayor of Luhansk in 1994-1997, told LIGA.net . "Dobroslavsky wanted to become a media figure and legal. All these people went through such a stage. First, they made a lot of money, and then they go to the legal level on these lots," the interlocutor adds.

Dobroslavsky's plans were not destined to come true. In 1997, unknown persons shot Dobroslavsky's motorcade with a grenade launcher and Kalashnikov assault rifles. Gumenyuk later became an accomplice of the occupying Russian troops in Donbas. Like most of the founders of the 21st Century Association. For example, the owner of the 21st Century newspaper, Yuriy Yurov, joined the terrorists.

There is very little specific information about Portnov's role and activities in Dobroslavsky's organization. Those who had any connection with Dobroslavsky and his youth organization have either died, do not want to talk, or have gone over to the side of the Russian occupiers. LIGA.net's interlocutors in law enforcement agencies are sure that Portnov could not have ended up in Dobroslavsky's team by chance. This was actually confirmed by Dobroslavsky himself in one of his few interviews : "I work with people I know and trust. My team is reduced to a minimum."

Portnov assures that he did not work at Dobroslavsky's enterprises. "In 1990, I was still in school, after which in 1991 I went to a military school and the army, and I never worked in anyone's companies in Luhansk, except for my own law firm and the regional branch of the Bar Association," he wrote in Telegram.

At the same time, Portnov's autobiography on the old version of his personal website (it is currently down, but a copy is in the Google cache) states that since March 1993, Portnov worked as a lawyer "at industrial enterprises and law firms in the Luhansk region." This is also stated on the current version of the website . Moreover, Portnov's autobiography, written by hand, states that from June 1994 to February 1996, he worked as a lawyer at Luhansknefteprodukt.

AFTER LUHANSK

After Dobroslavsky's death in 1997, Portnov's career took off – he moved to the capital. In addition, he immediately got a job at the National Commission on Securities and Stock Market (NCSMS). Within two years, he became the head of the corporate finance department, where he worked until December 2001. His area of expertise was the registration of share issues. In particular, pre-resignation. This tool was often used to gain control over the business: the shares of other shareholders were diluted.

It was during this period that Portnov established ties with big business. In 2001, he signed a legal services agreement with Kolomoisky's PrivatBank. "It concerned, first of all, the investment business, which was represented in PrivatBank, the purchase of enterprises, and the protection of property," Portnov told Ukrainska Pravda in 2007.

Kolomoisky has repeatedly confirmed his cooperation with Portnov. "He has been helping me legally for about 20 years," the oligarch said in a 2019 interview.

"Portnov worked as a department head in the early 2000s, and we communicated with him at work," one of Kolomoisky's former lawyers tells LIGA.net . "He was already a competent and promising lawyer back then." Portnov also helped Kolomoisky's business partners, the Surkis brothers, in a corporate conflict with Ukrainian-Russian businessman Konstantin Grigorishin . Then the parties did not divide the Dynamo football club (Kyiv).

According to him, it was the Surkis who introduced Portnov to Viktor Medvedchuk . "I have the honor of exchanging views with Viktor Medvedchuk," Portnov said in an interview in 2008. "Viktor Volodymyrovych is a person I respect. Whether someone likes it or not, Medvedchuk's role in the development of the state is undoubtedly very significant."

Portnov has much to praise Medvedchuk for. It was during Leonid Kuchma's time, when Medvedchuk was the head of the Presidential Administration, that Portnov was promoted: in 2003, Kuchma appointed Portnov as the first deputy executive secretary of the National Securities and Markets Commission, and in 2004, as a member of the commission. And after the end of his term, Kuchma honored Portnov with the title of Honored Lawyer.

"Portnov proved himself to be a highly qualified specialist in securities market regulation. With his direct participation, the supervisory function of the National Securities and Markets Commission was formed. Portnov made a significant contribution to the development of the National Depository System," says Portnov's award letter, which is available to LIGA.net .

In 2002-2003, when Portnov was not working at the State Commission, he organized his own law firm, Portnov and Partners, specializing in corporate governance and privatization services. The co-founder was Sidir Kizin, who had previously worked as an assistant to the head of the NSSMC.

One of the founders of Portnov's company, which later changed its name to Corporate Technologies, was the "Privat" enterprise Promrezerv. "At the very beginning of our activity, it was assumed that one of the shareholders would be a company that was actually backed by PrivatBank. The company once contributed money to the authorized fund, but this project did not take off," Portnov confirmed in an interview in 2007.

And after Viktor Yushchenko's victory, Portnov opened the door to big politics for himself.

CHIEF COUNSEL OF TYMOSHENKO

In 2005, Portnov, together with his colleague from Corporate Technologies, Serhiy Petrashko, represented the interests of State Secretary Oleksandr Zinchenko , who accused Yushchenko's entourage of corruption. Among the accused was Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Petro Poroshenko . According to Radio Liberty, Zinchenko and Portnov lost the lawsuit on honor and dignity.

Portnov was the plaintiff in the case of Poroshenko's illegal combination of a deputy mandate and the post of secretary. He called on the Cabinet of Ministers and the Prosecutor General's Office to begin the procedure for reprivatizing Poroshenko's "illegally acquired" property. He later called this statement a joke. Another manifestation of "legal trolling" was Portnov's lawsuit against the State Committee for Religious Affairs – he demanded that Poroshenko be canonized.

Portnov's position attracted the attention of Yulia Tymoshenko , whose government resigned in September 2005. The lawyer got acquainted with BYuT. "We began to conduct cases to protect their honor, dignity and business reputation," Portnov explained in an interview. "Then there was the formation of BYuT lists (2006 elections. – Ed.), which I got into very quickly. I think I was just lucky."

Portnov headed the legal wing of BYuT, quickly becoming close to his faction colleagues Svyatoslav Oliynyk , Valeriy Pisarenko , and Volodymyr Pylypenko. Later, this foursome, at Oliynyk's behest, would be called the "Portnov group."

During this period, Portnov began to gain political weight and at the height of the confrontation between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko, he helped the latter in delicate legal matters. In 2007, the Central Election Commission refused to register the BYuT electoral list for the early parliamentary elections and the Kyiv District Administrative Court (KDAC) ordered the CEC to reconsider its decision. Portnov handled this case.

The next time, the OASK sided with Portnov. In February 2008, Tymoshenko's second government appointed him first deputy head of the State Property Fund (SPF). At the same time, the then head of the SPF, Valentina Semenyuk-Samsonenko, was removed from her post, making Portnov acting head. Yushchenko suspended the Cabinet's decision by decree . However, the OASK did the same , only with respect to the presidential decree. The decision (actually in Portnov's interests) was made by Volodymyr Keleberda. Who is he? He is currently the deputy head of the OASK and a figure in the "NABU wiretapping" .

Semenyuk refused to leave voluntarily, and Yushchenko, by secret decree, granted the State Property Fund. "The president sees Mr. Portnov perfectly well, who committed raiding in small quantities. If he comes to the State Property Fund, it will be wholesale and much more terrible," said Semenyuk.

Tymoshenko responded by saying that the SPF was "fully under control" and that the office of the fund's head would be located in the government building. In addition, the fund's accounts were allegedly transferred to Portnov's name.

According to the Dilo website, the Prosecutor General's Office opened criminal cases against Portnov for this. In particular, they revived a three-year-old case about the alleged threat to the life of the NSSMC employee Oksana Sakhnatska. As a result, Portnov publicly refused the post of head of the SPF. But he did not stop attacking Yushchenko. And again, the OASK did not pass without it.

In October 2008, Judge Keleberda granted the lawsuit of BYuT lawyers and suspended Yushchenko's decree dissolving the Rada. In response, the president fired Keleberda and a few days later liquidated the OASK . However, Portnov and his lawyers came to their defense and helped stop Yushchenko's decrees in the courts.

However, at that time, the OASK was not a monolithic organism and did not always come to Portnov's defense. In September 2009, the OASK suspended the privatization of the Odessa Port Plant , which Tymoshenko and Portnov had tried to carry out a year earlier. In 2009, Nortima, a company affiliated with Kolomoisky's Privat group , won the auction to sell 99.567% of the shares of the OPP. However, the new management of the SPF called the competition a "conspiracy", and the court suspended the privatization.

Portnov launched a campaign to dismiss the head of the OASK, Oleg Bachun, as can be concluded from the investigation by Ukrainy Pravda.

The publication's journalists claimed that lawyers close to Portnov sent a package of compromising information about Bachun's luxurious life and foreign flights to the media and deputies. Portnov managed to have this issue considered at a meeting of the Council's committee on justice, headed by Serhiy Kivalov . And a brochure with detailed photographs of the judge's lifestyle was sent to each judge of all administrative courts of Ukraine by mail.

Medvedchuk, who was then a member of the High Council of Justice (HCJ), also spoke out against the head of the OASK. One of the anti-raider organizations asked Medvedchuk to check the legality of certain decisions of Bachun. As a result, Medvedchuk came to the conclusion that Bachun should be dismissed and submitted a corresponding motion. And the then Deputy Prosecutor General Renat Kuzmin , who is now a People's Deputy from Medvedchuk's party, helped Portnov's associate Pisarenko with the search for compromising material.

In the end, Medvedchuk and Portnov managed to achieve what they wanted. In 2010, Bachun was dismissed , and his place at the head of the OASK was taken by Pavlo Vovk. Portnov himself, together with Kivalov, was elected members of the Supreme Judicial Council in May 2009 according to the quota of the congress of law universities. Although the deputy chairman of the BYuT, Olena Shustik, called the congress illegitimate .

In 2009, Bachun was not the only "victim" of Portnov. Probably, using a similar method (collection and distribution of compromising materials ), Portnov could have achieved the resignation of Deputy Prosecutor General Oleksandr Shynalsky. And, most likely, again not without the help of Kuzmin. The reason: Shynalsky was Kuzmin's competitor on the way to the position of a member of the Supreme Judicial Council.

Portnov's move to Viktor Yanukovych's team in 2010 did not seem unexpected. Rather, it seemed natural.

Read also (Russian): The Pechersk court decided that Portnov had lawfully published the personal data of the Scheme driver

INTERVIEWS AT PORTNOVA

Portnov began to publicly cooperate with the Party of Regions in 2008. On Tymoshenko's instructions, he worked on a package of joint bills with the Party of Regions that weaken Yushchenko's presidential powers. In particular, the Rada obliged the president to coordinate the appointment of the Prosecutor General with the parliament. The authors of the bills were Portnov and People's Deputy from the Party of Regions Oleksandr Lavrynovych .

When Tymoshenko lost the presidential election to Yanukovych, Portnov tried to convince her that filing a lawsuit with the Supreme Administrative Court was futile. Tymoshenko did not listen to Portnov, and he resigned as deputy chairman of the BYuT faction. After the lost trial, Portnov broke off contact with Tymoshenko. "My fellow MPs Oliynyk, Pylypenko, and Pysarenko concluded long before the presidential election that this was our last political life in BYuT," he explained.

In April 2010, Yanukovych appointed Portnov as Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration and Head of the Department for Judicial Reform. The BYuT called Portnov's act a "premeditated betrayal." "There are a large number of people who are used to working only when their party or bloc is in power, and when you have to work in the opposition, it is much more difficult," Tymoshenko said .

In October 2011, the Pechersk court sentenced her to seven years in prison for gas contracts with Russia in 2009. A few months before that, the former prime minister stated that her sentence had been agreed upon at a "meeting" at Yanukovych's, attended by the head of the SBU Valery Khoroshkovsky , the head of the Presidential Administration Serhiy Lyovochkin , the head of the Pechersk court Inna Otrosh, and Portnov.

An important detail is that it was Portnov who legally supported a number of Tymoshenko's gas projects, in particular, he prepared an agreement on the confiscation of 11 billion cubic meters of gas from RosUkrEnergo. "Yulia Volodymyrivna brought him with her to Moscow, and he sat in a separate room the whole time," President Yushchenko said in 2009 at a closed meeting of the National Security and Defense Council.

Read more about the case of RosUkrEnergo in our special project (Russian): Schemes against Independence. 26 examples of systemic corruption in Ukraine

Portnov quickly incorporated himself into Yanukovych's power system and became a driver of judicial reform. "In practice, Portnov, Lukash, and Lavrynovych sat in the presidium, and the meetings themselves can be counted on the fingers of one hand. They sat and listened to the proposals of the group members, and then prepared the draft law they wanted. That is, it was a body that could be used to cover up the adopted law," Roman Kuybida, a member of the group and currently deputy chairman of the board of the Center for Political and Legal Reforms, told LIGA.net .

A few months after Portnov joined Yanukovych's team, parliament passed a law on the judiciary and the status of judges. It provided for the creation of a High Special Court for civil and criminal cases. This and two other high special courts decided whether a case would be reviewed by the Supreme Court or not. Therefore, the Supreme Court was effectively deprived of its influence on judicial practice, says Kuybida.

A special law reduced the quorum for decision-making in the High Council of Justice, paving the way for mass dismissals of judges. In their place were transferred judges, mainly from Donetsk and Luhansk regions, who were given managerial positions.

The transfer and selection of judges was handled by the High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ), whose chairman was Ihor Samsin , and one of the members was the chairman of the OASC Pavlo Vovk. Kuybida says that all transfers were made quickly and synchronously. The HQCJ had information about the situation with vacancies in courts throughout the country. This was classified information that the HQCJ guarded like the apple of its eye.

"Almost everyone appointed as a judge in 2010-2014 could not have avoided Portnov. Especially in management positions in large cities without Portnov's blessing, you wouldn't have gotten there," says Mykhailo Zhernakov, a former judge of the Vinnytsia District Administrative Court and chairman of the board of the Dejure Foundation, to LIGA.net .

LIGA.net's interlocutor in law enforcement confirms Zhernakov's words: "Those wishing to obtain a position had to first obtain a certificate of admission from the HQCJ. And then the candidates were expected to have an "interview" with Portnov. If the person was not liked, all agreements with the HQCJ were nullified. The "interview" was, in essence, an oath of allegiance."

The information of Zhernakov and his interlocutor is confirmed by the Censor.net publication. "In the period from 2011 to 2014, not a single judge of a district court in the city of Kyiv was appointed without a personal interview and consent from Portnov," says the Censor.net material for 2014.

Under Portnov, the method of appointing court heads was regulated. Under Kuchma, the president and the Supreme Court (SC) fought for this right at one time, but the president found convincing arguments for the SC (salary increases) – and won. Under Yushchenko, the president's authority to appoint court leaders was abolished by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, and this was handled by the Council of Judges. Under Yanukovych, this right was transferred to the Supreme Court of Justice, whose members were Portnov, Kivalov, Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka and Chairman of the Supreme Economic Court Viktor Tatkov . It was these four who were the main centers of influence in the judicial system under Yanukovych and sometimes even competed with each other, says Kuybida.

The system of judicial self-government was changed. "Organizing committees manually selected delegates to the congress of judges. Nothing was discussed at the congresses, but simply adopted decisions issued by the Administrative Court," Kuybida added.

Many judges owe their appointments to Portnov, says Zhernakov: "Just as then, judges are appointed arbitrarily. Everyone was afraid, because through the High Court of Justice and the disciplinary complaints mechanism, any judge could be dismissed. In this way, he extended his influence to the entire judicial system."

For example, in 2011, Portnov helped avoid liability for the judge of the Pechersk court, Serhiy Vovka. One of the victims of Vovka's decision filed a complaint , which was reviewed by Portnov as a member of the Supreme Judicial Council. Portnov did not find any violations on the part of Vovka. Eight years later, it was Vovka who satisfied Portnov's claim for the protection of honor and dignity and decided to recover UAH 7 million from the state budget . True, in the Supreme Court, Portnov abandoned the claim and the 7 million. The case was closed.

Read also (in Russian): The Agency for Education Quality Assurance found plagiarism in Portnov's work

In the Yanukovych Administration, Portnov was responsible not only for the courts and the new Criminal Procedure Code. For example, Portnov's legal visa could be under the "Kharkiv Agreements" . In April 2010, the leader of the Party of Regions faction, Oleksandr Yefremov , stated that he personally discussed the legal side of the issue with Portnov, and that he showed a memorandum stating that neither the Constitution nor the laws of Ukraine were violated by the agreements.

Portnov was assisted in the Administration by his long-time associates. The aforementioned Petrashko ( Medvedchuk's lawyer ) headed the department for control of law enforcement agencies. Marina Parynova headed the department for representation of the president's interests in the courts, Andriy Poyda headed the department for law enforcement activities, and Vadym Fesenko headed the department for judicial issues.

Fesenko played an important role during the Revolution of Dignity. According to former judge of the Obolonsky court of Kyiv Iryna Mamontova, it was Fesenko who demanded the most severe punishments for the Automaidan activists. "The judges were told: these people should be punished to the maximum. The lack of evidence did not worry anyone," Automaidan lawyer Roman Maselko told LIGA.net .

According to him, informally, judges confirm the fact of pressure, but refuse to give testimony. "Judges are afraid and see that no one has been held accountable," the lawyer said in a comment to LIGA.net .

At the height of the Revolution of Dignity, Portnov was promoted to first deputy head of the Presidential Administration and led negotiations with the opposition together with Lukash and NSDC Secretary Andriy Klyuyev. "Why I joined this group, to be honest, I can't even explain right now. This was, of course, my big mistake. It was our role to be the face of the anti-Maidan," Portnov said in a 2015 interview.

As for the dictatorial laws of January 16, Portnov assures that he was the author of only one of them – on road traffic and video recording of violations. Portnov was also preparing a bill for adoption that would allow blocking the accounts of organizations that the authorities consider "extremist". And on February 19, on the eve of the mass killings on the Maidan, he called on "radicals" to surrender their weapons and avoid severe punishment.

On February 21, Portnov left the capital and headed for Kharkov, from where he fled to Russia.

But he retained his influence on the judiciary.

"KAZBEK", MOSCOW AND VIENNA

In early 2015, in an interview with journalist Pavel Sheremet, Portnov answered the question of why he chose Russia as a place to escape: "Well, where? Russia is close, there is no language or mental barrier."

In Russia, Portnov was granted a temporary residence permit for three years. He created the law firm AP Group, which he claims served Ukrainian businessmen in Russia and Russian businessmen in Ukraine, as well as the Institute for Legal Reforms, which deals with "political issues, consultations, legislation."

"I had almost $600,000 in my deposit account at PrivatBank. I transferred it to a credit card and use it. And now I'm making money, the business is developing," Portnov said in an interview in 2015.

In March 2014, the European Union froze Portnov's assets for one year , and in Ukraine a criminal case was opened against him for abuse of office. According to investigators, in 2010-2014, Portnov, combining positions in the Presidential Administration and Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, appropriated a salary and other payments in the amount of UAH 137,639. On the basis of which, in December 2014 , a report of suspicion was drawn up. And in January 2015, Portnov was put on the wanted list .

Portnov himself stated that he did not collect his salary from the university and published an extract from the card on which he received his salary at KNU, which indicates that 800 hryvnias had been withdrawn from his card over the past two years.

Portnov's suspicion project (click to enlarge)

"A criminal case for a salary is ridiculous. This suggests that he left good connections and the rear," Valery Karpuntsov , a former People's Deputy from the BPP, who at that time worked as a senior assistant to the Prosecutor General for special assignments, told LIGA.net .

The then-GPO leadership also criticized the criminal case against Portnov. Former Prosecutor General Oleg Makhnitsky called it a "parody of criminal proceedings," while his former first deputy Mykola Gerasimyuk considered Portnov's inclusion in the sanctions list "politically motivated."

As a result, in March 2015, the EU lifted sanctions against Portnov, and in October of the same year, the former deputy head of the Presidential Administrationwon the case in the EU court in Luxembourg and the European Union paid him 15,500 euros. In November, the Pechersk court ordered investigators to remove Portnov from the wanted list and gave him 48 hours to do so. It is noteworthy that in this petition, Portnov's interests were represented by lawyer Serhiy Demchenko, now a People's Deputy from the Servant of the People party.

According to Gorbatyuk, Portnov was investigated in connection with the Maidan cases, pressure on judges, and changes to the Constitution in 2010. But no suspicions were raised. "He wrote, called, and threatened all the investigators and prosecutors who were dealing with his case. Discrediting articles about the investigators appeared in the media. And this affected the investigation process. I assume that this was one of the reasons why Portnov was not suspected again," he noted in a comment to LIGA.net .

For example, in 2017, disciplinary proceedings were opened against the investigator who was conducting Portnov's case. Prosecutor of the Prosecutor's Office Oleksandr Bozhko claimed that Portnov had written him messages and threatened to "fuck you in the mouth of a stupid dog" (two years later, People's Deputy Oleksandr Dubinskyi would flash an identical phrase ).

In February 2018, the SBU opened a case of treason , as part of which it checked Portnov's possible involvement in the preparation of documents that contributed to the occupation of Crimea. Earlier, the publication Censor.net published the so-called "Glazyev notes" . This is a conversation recorded by Ukrainian intelligence between Russian presidential advisor Sergei Glazyev and a certain "Vladimir Andreyovich" from March 1, 2014. This conversation suggests that the draft resolution of the Supreme Council of Crimea was prepared by Portnov at the beginning of the Russian occupation. However, in August 2019, the case was closed due to the lack of elements of a crime.

Former SBU head Vasyl Hrytsak reported that in 2015 the SBU investigated another criminal case of treason. The basis for this was a statement by a Ukrainian citizen who claimed that Portnov allegedly provided the Russian special services with access to information that constituted a state secret, and also called for a violent change of power. The charges were not confirmed and the case was closed.

In 2019, the OASC again helped Portnov. Canada requested information from Ukraine, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Prosecutor General's Office reported on the progress of the investigation into Portnov. The OASC judge, Ogurtsov, found this unlawful. According to a source in law enforcement agencies, shortly after the decision was made, Ogurtsov met with Portnov in one of the EU countries.

After the OASC decision in July 2019, the Prosecutor General's Office asked Canada to lift sanctions against Portnov.

AID TO "NOVOROSSIA" AND "INTERROGATION OF US OFFICIALS"

While in exile, Portnov began to publicly defend people with pro-Russian positions and/or those who promote Russian narratives. For example, in September 2017, he defended the so-called journalist Dmitry Vasilets, who was sentenced to nine years for aiding Russian terrorists. According to the verdict, he created online services for broadcasting the propaganda channel "Novorossiya TV". In early 2018, the appeals court overturned the verdict .

Portnov also helped the editor-in-chief of the Kraina website, Ihor Huzhva, who was accused by the prosecutor's office of extortion, move to Vienna.

He also helped pro-Russian blogger Anatoly Shariy, who used Portnov's lawyers to file lawsuits against Poroshenko. "If Anatoly Shariy wants to come to Ukraine, our legal team will certainly help him," Portnov said.

And on May 19, 2019, after a long exile, he himself flew to Kyiv . After his arrival, he was provided with police protection . Portnov stated that his goal was to bring to criminal responsibility Poroshenko, Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Oleksiy Filatov , who oversaw the judicial branch of government under Poroshenko, as well as deputies from the National Front Maksym Burbak and Serhiy Pashynsky .

The latter actively supported the other side of the shareholders' conflict around Zhytomyrskie Lasoshchi. For more than three years, Portnov's lawyer Marina Parynova (appears in the correspondence of "Kazbek") led the case of Vyacheslav Khimikus, who was shot by Pashinsky . After the case was closed in 2017, Portnov's lawyers through the court achieved his reinstatement. In 2019, Pashinsky even spent several months in custody , but in March 2021 the court acquitted him.

Portnov launched the most extensive campaign against Poroshenko. He filed dozens of applications with the State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) (more about them in our special project: Between freedom and prison. What awaits Petro Poroshenko ).

Poroshenko's lawyers complained that they learned about the interrogations at the SBI from Portnov. "Portnov knew about all the summonses for interrogation and published them. Portnov announces something and the SBI does it right away. His statements about the crime are immediately registered, although if someone else files it, they will never be registered on the first day," confirms the lawyers' words, Gorbatyuk.

After FSB academy graduate Andriy Derkach published the "Poroshenko-Biden tapes," Portnov published an entire investigation plan for these tapes, which outlined step-by-step what Ukraine needed to do. At the same time, in the midst of the US elections, Portnov demanded that the Ukrainian authorities, in particular, "prepare requests" to the competent authorities in Washington to "interrogate US officials."

"We see an element of direct external control with simultaneous disrespect," Portnov said, commenting on Derkach's "recordings" on a TV channel . At the same time, he emphasized that the Biden-Poroshenko tapes case must be investigated regardless of "whether we are interfering in the US political system."

ROLE IN ZELENSKY'S TEAM

After returning to Ukraine, Portnov held meetings with the future head of the President's Office , Andriy Bohdan , and the head of the OASK, Vovk, a law enforcement source told LIGA.net . Portnov quickly gained the image of a person close to the new president's team. Among the arguments was Bohdan himself, who became the head of the President's Office and who was once Portnov's assistant in parliament. Bohdan did not hide the fact that Portnov was his long-time friend .

Secondly, people connected to Portnov financed Zelensky's election campaign. According to the financial report , Portnov's lawyer and assistant in the Rada Volodymyr Makar transferred 148,000 UAH, Portnov's lawyers Anna Kosinova and Karina Mikityan gave Zelensky a total of 206,000 UAH, and Kosinova's then-husband Andriy – 120,000 UAH.

Zelensky publicly denies any influence from Portnov. "I don't know Mr. Portnov, this is not my team," Zelensky said in October 2019. This did not prevent the head of the President's Office, Bohdan, from communicating frequently with Portnov, several sources in the president's team told LIGA.net .

LIGA.net's interlocutor in law enforcement agencies cites as an example the case of the resignation of the head of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine Stanislav Shevchuk . According to him, a campaign against Shevchuk began back in March 2019.

"In history, Tupytsky was helped with my dismissal by judges appointed by Yanukovych. Plus judges Mykola Melnyk, Serhiy Sas, and Ihor Slidenko. They provided an information attack on me in the Dzerkalo Tyzhnia newspaper, where a letter with false accusations against me was published on March 14," Shevchuk tells LIGA.net . "The judges wanted to consider the cases of NABU, NACP, ferroalloys , and NKREKU . In their opinion, I prevented these decisions from being made. Therefore, I had to be removed."

A source for LIGA.net in law enforcement agencies claims that Portnov could coordinate with Vovk: what complaints against Shevchuk should be filed, when, from whom. "Portnov understood that no one but Vovk would resolve the issue with the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. At that time, Vovk was No. 1 in these matters," the source says.

According to his information, Portnov and Vovk were collecting votes for Shevchuk's dismissal. "Meetings with judges take place not only in restaurants, but also in offices. In particular, in Vovk's office, where he gives guarantees to one of the judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, very close to Portnov, to inform other judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine: they say, first vote for the dismissal of Stanislav (Shevchuk. – Ed.), then we will re-elect the chairman and deputy, and there will be no other issues, the new government will not touch them," the interlocutor says.

At that time, the "flock" of Portnov and Vovk in the Constitutional Court of Ukraine was about 10 judges. To dismiss Shevchuk, it was necessary to recruit 12. "Indeed, Vovk discussed with Portnov the course of meetings with the current judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the conditions under which they agreed to support the removal of Shevchuk. Among other things, the subject of the bargaining was the position of the new chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine," adds a source in law enforcement agencies.

On May 14, the day Shevchuk was removed from the post of Chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, Vovk, Portnov and Bohdan were constantly in touch, calling each other. Vovk informed the other participants about the changing situation in the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in real time, they discussed the problems of the lack of votes and possible solutions, the interlocutor says.

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The fact of the troika's negotiations was indirectly confirmed by journalist Yuriy Butusov. "On the recordings, which are part of the criminal case about the seizure of power by the judges of the OASC, voices that are very similar to Vovk, Bohdan, and Portnov discuss the appointment of Tupytsky as the head of the court, as well as the tasks that he must perform after the appointment," he wrote on Facebook.

Answering a question about the involvement of Portnov, Vovk, and Bohdan in his dismissal, Shevchuk told LIGA.net , who was questioned as a witness by the NABU and therefore limited by a non-disclosure agreement. "But there is enough material that indicates external forces that coordinated the coup plan. I know this plan, and it is on tape," the former chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine noted.

Portnov's presence on the "OASC tapes" was confirmed by LIGA.net Horbatyuk: "The tapes record that Portnov actually appointed his alleged godfather (we are talking about Volodymyr Melnyk) as deputy head of the Kyiv Court of Appeal. – Ed.). Vovk says that Portnov personally bragged to him that he had called the head of the court and forced him to make the appointment with the help of threats."

LIGA.net's interlocutor in law enforcement agencies believes that in June 2019, shortly after the successful change of leadership of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, Portnov and Vovk decided to take control of the Council of Judges (CJU). Control over the CJU opens up opportunities to introduce their people according to the CJU quota into the HQCJ and the Supreme Judicial Council, which, in combination with the CJU, meant taking control of almost all the country's highest judicial instances.

Read our library (Russian): VKKS, VSP, KSU, VSU. A dictionary that will help you to understand the case of the head and judges of the OASK

According to the established scheme, the process began with informational attacks against the then-Chairman of the Regional Judicial Council, Oleh Tkachuk, which became a reason for discussion at a meeting of the Council of Judges, including the introduction of a question of no confidence in the chairman. The "provider" of this scheme, according to the interlocutor, was the then-Chairman of the Khmelnytskyi Regional Court of Appeal, Anatoliy Martsinkevich, Portnov's protege and his friend.

"Martsinkevich repeatedly came to Vovk's office, and they discussed how to gather votes to remove Tkachuk. In parallel, Vovk regulated this issue with Portnov and Bohdan, as a guarantor of changes from the "new authorities," the interlocutor says.

Tkachuk himself confirmed Marcinkiewicz's involvement to LIGA.net . According to him, Marcinkiewicz called members of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and asked them to support the procedure for selecting candidates for judges of the Constitutional Court. "I saw that some of my colleagues wanted, perhaps, to please representatives of the political elites and make sure that politically biased candidates became judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine," says Tkachuk.

At the same time, he saw the document just a day before the meeting. Its consideration was promoted by the deputy head of the Regional State Administrative Court, Vadym Butenko, who at the same time advocated for Tkachuk's resignation . "They had two options: try to submit this order for consideration, knowing that I would be against it, or change the head of the Regional State Administrative Court," Tkachuk adds.

On the eve of the meeting of the Supreme Judicial Council, Tkachuk became aware of these plans and declared pressure from the Office of the President. However, Tkachuk was removed and replaced by a more loyal person, Bohdan Monich. The Congress of Judges delegated its members to the Supreme Judicial Council, who were no strangers to Vovk, as evidenced by the Supreme Judicial Council's reaction to the published facts about Vovk's abuses. The Supreme Judicial Council also spoke out in defense of the OASK .

Tkachuk knows nothing about Portnov's role in this story. "But people who were on the OASK recordings told me that my person was also mentioned there," the former head of the RSU clarifies.

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau indirectly confirms Vovk's role. "The investigation has established that the chairman of the OASC has unprecedented influence over individual members of the High Council of Justice. At the same time, the "implementation of similar scenarios" in the Council of Judges and even in the Constitutional Court has also been documented," the NABU statement says.

After that, the course was taken to subjugate the Supreme Court. The bill, which provided for reducing the number of Supreme Court judges by half (from 200 to 100), was born in Vovk's office and supported by Portnov, says a source in law enforcement agencies for LIGA.net . The law was voted by parliament and signed by the president, but in the end, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine declared it unconstitutional in terms of liquidating the Supreme Court. The Venice Commission criticized the initiative. In the end, this idea was backed down.

Smirnov was a lawyer for Portnov's longtime associate Olena Lukash , and in August 2018 he published a joint photo with Portnov . "If Smirnov publishes a photo with Portnov, then this is also a political statement. This person has been in the legal profession for several days and understands perfectly well what a photo with Portnov means," Zhernakov believes. At the moment, the post with Smirnov's photo is not available.

The connection with Tatarov is much more obvious. "When Portnov was interrogated after his arrival, he came with lawyer Tatarov. They interrogated him two or three times, and Tatarov was the lawyer all the times," recalls Gorbatyuk. In addition, according to lawyer Maselko, Tatarov and Portnov threatened prosecutor Bozhko with "landing." And in Tatarov's confrontation with NABU, Portnov sided with his ex-lawyer and declared that the bureau was taking revenge on Tatarov for his position.

"Zelensky is only strengthening the judicial mafia," Zhernakov believes. "Portnov's people are responsible for judicial reform in the President's Office. And all of Zelensky's bills are aimed at preserving the status quo and strengthening the Supreme Judicial Council."

OLIGARCH FIXERS: WHERE THE MONEY IS

Despite Portnov's media presence, little is known about his business or other sources of income. According to a certificate published by Portnov, in 2020 he earned decent money – 41 million UAH. At the same time, more than half of his team's projects are social work. "There is project work, there is ongoing work, someone does hourly work. But for us, more than 50-60% is social work. This is where money is not taken, where someone helps someone, volunteering," Portnov said in an interview with the YouTube channel BigMoney.

According to him, he has lawyers in different parts of the world. "There are several lawyers in Vienna, there is a lawyer in Barcelona, whom we can contact. There are people whom I help and who will introduce international processes. They live in Armenia," Portnov added.

At the same time, he does not like to expand the staff of lawyers and trusts only those who have been proven over time. "I have to be sure that there will be no information leaks, that a person will not call via GSM channel. I have to understand that a person will not betray," Portnov noted.

Portnov has developed social networks. For example, one of the largest channels on Telegram has 173,000 subscribers. But it is possible that some of them are bots. For example, the UkraineWorld project found that accounts that republish Portnov's messages on Twitter make 70-180 tweets per day – too many for a real person.

Portnov is linked to the website Zakon i biznes, which regularly covers the lawyer's activities. The owner of the publication, according to the register of individuals, is Yuriy Petrenko. A person with the same initials was an assistant to People's Deputy Pisarenko, a long-time associate of Portnov.

According to Portnov's former colleague in the legal corps, he makes money by selling his ability to solve problems. "The conditional Kolomoisky turns to him, and he solves it through his friends. This is how 99% of lawyers earn," the interlocutor told LIGA.net .

SECRET OF THE TAILOR

LIGA.net asked all of its interlocutors the same question: what is Portnov's secret and how does he manage to keep Ukrainian courts in the dark?

Horbatyuk believes that the secret lies in unprincipledness: "He was one of the first in Ukraine to begin implementing a system of achieving goals at the political level by not just circumventing the law, but also pushing through such murky laws that allow the achievement of any criminal goals for the customers. And he taught politicians that there are no restrictions. Everything can be solved."

For part of the Portnov judiciary, it is a protection of their real immunity. "In fact, none of the judges appointed under Portnov were dismissed," says Zhernakov, "based on the results of the qualification assessment, less than one percent were removed."

"The government is constantly changing and trying to influence the courts," explains Horbatyuk. "Portnov showed that he had influence under any government and could protect his people. And all judges want protection and a system in which they can avoid responsibility. Vovk and Portnov are engaged in uniting such judges and building an illegal system. They push their people into the Supreme Judicial Council, the Council of Judges, and the Supreme Judicial Council. If they don't push, their lawyers will write lawsuits and place commissioned materials in the media."

"During Portnov's time, a personnel structure was created that allows for administrative management of courts and judges," says former member of the Supreme Court of Justice Igor Fomin. "And now you can appoint your own personnel, promote your own people. And then, when they find themselves in positions, they will owe you. This is how emotional barter turns out. All living people. Someone has helped someone at some point."

Read also: Pavlo Vovk and the secret room. How the "evil empire" of the OASK is structured: almost a detective story